Wednesday, April 22, 2009

4/20 notes

Mexicans tend to be proud and supportive of their political system. This is due to their connection to the Mexican Revolution, and the 1917 Constitution. They feel that the regime is legitimate.
However, they are critical of government performance, and point out shortfalls
They tend to consider politicians and bureaucrats as elitists, self serving, and probably corrupt
Strong patron client networks called camarillas exist
The PRI depended on patron client networks to mobilize citizens
They stress the symbols of the Revolution such as social justice, democracy, national unity, and the idea that the ruling government came from the people
Revolutionary figures are national heroes. Ex: Hidalgo and Villa
The mass media, public schools, the church, and families are forms of socialization. The PRI used organizations that they controlled to socialize as well.
Participation
Voting in National elections is the most common form of political participation
anyone 18 or older can vote
Election rallies and political party ceremonies were common during the PRI’s dominance
The PRI encouraged support by providing incentives such as a free meal or transportation to those who showed up to their rallies. If you didn’t support you ran the risk of not getting the help you want from the government
In 1910 the revolution shifts power to the ambitious well educated middle class. Since the 1970s, technocrats (lawyers, engineers, professionals, administrators) have advanced quickly
1970- Through the next several presidencies, oldline politicians have lost ground to the technocrats ( usually have advanced university degrees and are recruited from the upper/middle class. They tend to spend their entire career in the government bureaucracy) Technocos rarely run for public office.
Interest Groups
Historically, agenda building has been done under the upper level government
When the PRI was dominant, 3 organizations existed
CTM- represented organized labor, CNC- represented rural peasants, the Popular Secor- covered other interests ( wasn’t very strong)
Under the PRI it was a Corporatist interest group system. Organizations were licensed by the government to represent a group.
Those 3 organizations aren’t as strong anymore. Other interest groups exist that are not controlled by a political party. They’re controlled by entrepreneurs, the military, or the Catholic Church.
The business community is organized into interest groups. This is considered a pluralist system.
There is a strong patron-client system. It is strong because individuals would try to go around the nationwide organization representing them. They looked for a patron to help them out. The system makes it less difficult for the government because it’s easier to say no to individuals than to an organization.
This method brought about the saying "Myth of the Right Connection". If an official says no, find another way to get what you want.
Human Rights, Environmental, Labor, and Women’s Rights groups were increasing
There was a growth in middle class, and angry peasants upset with urban development and the refusal from banks to give out loans. There was a growing low income urban population asking for public services.
Today, the political elite has to deal with a larger number of interest groups who are less likely to take no for an answer.
Political Parties
PRI dominance: from 1929-2000. They didn’t develop a political platform. The president called the shots.
The PRI was a vote getting machine. A network of camarillas enrolled 15 million members.
It was Authoritarian, non-competitive, corporatist mass organization
It limited the amount of demands that citizens could demand of government. They tried to absorb diverse political interests to keep pressure off of the president. They wanted to diffuse demands.
Today, the PRI is an inclusive party. It is middle of the spectrum. It is also lacking in ideology an platform.
The PRI was an appendage of the government, especially of presidency
PRI didn’t exert independent policy from the government. The PRI was what the president was.
Until 2000, there had never been a non-PRI president.
It was a One Party system
They had access to mass media, government funds to finance election campaigns, a huge network of government patronage (or jobs to be given out), and nationwide campaign watchers in local areas.
They controlled the election commission, who counted the ballot returns. They could easily manipulate the numbers.
Over time, dominance of the PRI declined probably because of rural to urban population shift. The PRI’s organization methods weren’t as effective in cities.
Education and income was rising. PRI candidate support from CTM and CNC fell off.
Until the late 70s, a few opposition parties were important to the PRI. It allowed some citizens to get rid of frustration with the system. It also made the system seem more legitimate.
Over time, the PRI loses ground.
In 2000, PAN (the opposition party) won the presidence.
In 1989 the PAN won state governorship. There was an upward trend of the number of seats owned in congress as well.
The PAN owned all major cities except Mexico City.
In 2006, the PAN won again. The PAN is right on the political spectrum. They are opposed to anti-church language in the 1917 constitution. They disliked the PRI’s dominance over education.
It consists of urban middle class, conservative peasants, and some of the city working class.
The PAN has forced the PRI to move a little more right. Free market economies are now supported by the PRI. Industries are privatized.
The PAN had ties to the U.S. within business circles. The PRI had been standoffish towards U.S. business.
The PAN is not linked to the lower class. They have no interest in income equality. It is the party of choice for the young people,
The third party, the PRD (the democratic revolutionary party) is the most recently formed. It is to the left on the political spectrum.
It formed after the 1988 elections as a result of the split in the PRI.
The PRD tries to appeal to industrial workers, and rural peasants.
The PRD’s success has been in winning mayor of Mexico City

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